By Anthony Vinci

This new booklet offers a framework for figuring out the diplomacy of armed teams, together with terrorist companies, insurgencies and warlords, which play an more and more important role within the foreign procedure. particularly, the booklet argues that such teams could be understood as enjoying the stability of energy with states and different armed teams, as they're empirically sovereign non-state actors which are prompted through the pursuit of energy and exist as a part of an anarchic, self-help procedure. This extensively new method bargains a renewed conceptualization of Neorealism, and gives new insights into debates approximately sovereignty, non-state actors, new wars, counterterrorism, and counterinsurgency. The method is illustrated via case experiences on Somali warlords, the protection complicated among the Lord’s Resistance military (LRA), Sudanese People’s Liberation military (SPLA), Sudan and Uganda, in addition to Al Qaeda. The publication presents insights into such concerns as how non-state actors might be built-in into structural theories of diplomacy, and likewise bargains pragmatic methodologies for the overseas coverage or army practitioner, akin to tips to top deter terrorists.

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Extra info for Armed Groups and the Balance of Power: The International Relations of Terrorists, Warlords and Insurgents

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As Gilpin states, while groups may seek ‘truth, beauty and justice . . all these more noble goals will be lost unless one makes provisions for one’s security in the power struggle among groups’ (Gilpin 1986: 305). Waltz takes this one step further and turns this view of the relationship between the pursuit of power and survival around. : 194). : 91). These other aims may include power for the sake of power. 88 The purpose to taking the Waltzian step and assuming that survival is the chief motivator is that it allows for systemic theorizing as it minimizes the variables for analysis.

The ‘diplomat and soldier’ (Keohane and Nye, 1971: ix). The evidence for such autonomy can be seen in an armed group’s ability to act against the interests of states and in their own interests, most obviously in terms of continuing to make war. On the other hand, the armed group can expect to control the relations of sub-groups within its own domain, such as villagers who live within a territory that it controls. Armed groups 27 As demanded by Neorealism, the armed group’s military ability allows it to maintain status as the highest authority over its internal relations.

Similarly, border issues with Ethiopia demand representation from the de facto authority, not the Sudanese government, which has no influence in the border region. Again the SPLA representative remarks: ‘[Ethiopia] need[s] to know who is responsible. ’70 Although there is clearly a bias by the SPLA to demonstrate its importance, the point makes logical sense: if the armed group is in control of a region, that armed group must be dealt with in that region. No matter how much Ethiopia would like to uphold the sovereignty of its neighbors (since it too relies on the maintenance of a juridically sovereign system of states) it still must face the reality that the government of Sudan did not have any say in what goes on in that particular region.

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